Obituary: Howard Zinn, historian and anarchist dies at 87

Howard Zinn, the Boston University historian and political activist who was an early opponent of US involvement in Vietnam and a leading faculty critic of BU president John Silber, died of a heart attack today in Santa Monica, Calif, where he was traveling, his family said. He was 87. —- “His writings have changed the consciousness of a generation, and helped open new paths to understanding and its crucial meaning for our lives,” Noam Chomsky, the left-wing activist and MIT professor, once wrote of Dr. Zinn. “When action has been called for, one could always be confident that he would be on the front lines, an example and trustworthy guide.” —- For Dr. Zinn, activism was a natural extension of the brand of history he taught. His best-known book, “A People’s History of the United States” (1980), had for its heroes not the Founding Fathers —many of them slaveholders and deeply attached to the status quo, as Dr. Zinn was quick to point out—but rather the farmers of Shays’ Rebellion and the union organizers of the 1930s.

As he wrote in his autobiography, “You Can’t Be Neutral on a Moving Train” (1994), “From the start, my teaching was infused with my own history. I would try to be fair to other points of view, but I wanted more than ‘objectivity’; I wanted students to leave my classes not just better informed, but more prepared to relinquish the safety of silence, more prepared to speak up, to act against injustice wherever they saw it. This, of course, was a recipe for trouble.”

Certainly, it was a recipe for rancor between Dr. Zinn and Silber. Dr. Zinn twice helped lead faculty votes to oust the BU president, who in turn once accused Dr. Zinn of arson (a charge he quickly retracted) and cited him as a prime example of teachers “who poison the well of academe.”

Dr. Zinn was a cochairman of the strike committee when BU professors walked out in 1979. After the strike was settled, he and four colleagues were charged with violating their contract when they refused to cross a picket line of striking secretaries. The charges against “the BU Five” were soon dropped, however.

Dr. Zinn was born in New York City on Aug. 24, 1922, the son of Jewish immigrants, Edward Zinn, a waiter, and Jennie (Rabinowitz) Zinn, a housewife. He attended New York public schools and worked in the Brooklyn Navy Yard before joining the Army Air Force during World War II. Serving as a bombardier in the Eighth Air Force, he won the Air Medal and attained the rank of second lieutenant.

After the war, Dr. Zinn worked at a series of menial jobs until entering New York University as a 27-year-old freshman on the GI Bill. Professor Zinn, who had married Roslyn Shechter in 1944, worked nights in a warehouse loading trucks to support his studies. He received his bachelor’s degree from NYU, followed by master’s and doctoral degrees in history from Columbia University.

Dr. Zinn was an instructor at Upsala College and lecturer at Brooklyn College before joining the faculty of Spelman College in Atlanta, in 1956. He served at the historically black women’s institution as chairman of the history department. Among his students were the novelist Alice Walker, who called him “the best teacher I ever had,” and Marian Wright Edelman, future head of the Children’s Defense Fund.

During this time, Dr. Zinn became active in the civil rights movement. He served on the executive committee of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the most aggressive civil rights organization of the time, and participated in numerous demonstrations.

Dr. Zinn became an associate professor of political science at BU in 1964 and was named full professor in 1966.

The focus of his activism now became the Vietnam War. Dr. Zinn spoke at countless rallies and teach-ins and drew national attention when he and another leading antiwar activist, Rev. Daniel Berrigan, went to Hanoi in 1968 to receive three prisoners released by the North Vietnamese.

Dr. Zinn’s involvement in the antiwar movement led to his publishing two books: “Vietnam: The Logic of Withdrawal” (1967) and “Disobedience and Democracy” (1968). He had previously published “LaGuardia in Congress” (1959), which had won the American Historical Association’s Albert J. Beveridge Prize; “SNCC: The New Abolitionists” (1964); “The Southern Mystique” (1964); and “New Deal Thought” (1966).
Dr. Zinn was also the author of “The Politics of History” (1970); “Postwar America” (1973); “Justice in Everyday Life” (1974); and “Declarations of Independence” (1990).

In 1988, Dr. Zinn took early retirement so as to concentrate on speaking and writing. The latter activity included writing for the stage. Dr. Zinn had two plays produced: “Emma,” about the anarchist leader Emma Goldman, and “Daughter of Venus.”

Dr. Zinn, or his writing, made a cameo appearance in the 1997 film “Good Will Hunting.” The title characters, played by Matt Damon, lauds “A People’s History” and urges Robin Williams’s character to read it. Damon, who co-wrote the script, was a neighbor of the Zinns growing up.

Damon was later involved in a television version of the book, “The People Speak,” which ran on the History Channel in 2009. Damon was the narrator of a 2004 biographical documentary, “Howard Zinn: You Can’t Be Neutral on a Moving Train.”

On his last day at BU, Dr. Zinn ended class 30 minutes early so he could join a picket line and urged the 500 students attending his lecture to come along. A hundred did so.

Dr. Zinn’s wife died in 2008. He leaves a daughter, Myla Kabat-Zinn of Lexington; a son, Jeff of Wellfleet; three granddaugthers; and two grandsons.

Interview:

anarchist tea party and picnic

Kia Ora!

After the success of last year’s Anarchist Tea Party here in Otautahi/Christchurch, we thought it would be great to have another informal get together again. This is an invitation to anyone who is an anarchist, or simply to any of you who may be interested in Anarchism to come along.

We will have information on many topics relating to Anarchism on the day, as well as details on other events scheduled for later in the year. It will be an opportunity to meet new people and a fun way get to know each other better in an informal social setting.

It is a chance to chat, brainstorm, eat, and dream. Above all, we will be able to celebrate what is good about life, like bringing up kids, learning, good food, and having a bit of fun!

The choice of venue this time is under the pines at the northern end of the playground, at the Botanical Gardens in Hagley Park. Don’t worry you will find us, as we will put up a flag or banner! We purposely chose to have it near the playground as so many of us are parents and we like making our events child friendly.

So remember the hat and sunscreen, and bring a rug and some food to share!

Date and time: 12 noon to 3pm Sunday the 7th of February. Venue: Botanical gardens playground, Hagley Park.

Tea, coffee and tap juice provided!

This event has been organised by Beyond Resistance, everyone is welcome!

A friendly reminder – all Beyond Resistance events are run with a safer spaces policy. To find out more about safer spaces, this event, or anything else to to with Beyond Resistance please peruse this website.

happy new year from beyond resistance!

With the onset of 2010 come new issues, new sites of struggle, and new opportunities for challenging the current system which unfortunately still exploits and consumes our lives. But it’s not all doom and gloom — we in Beyond Resistance can look back over 2009 with some satisfaction. In the space of our short existence we’ve managed to come together as a functioning collective, put forward some pretty decent ideas, and have hosted a number of events which have helped cement our formation. In the relative situation of low struggle in Aotearoa and demoralisation since the 2007 raids on our communities, we feel that what we have achieved together in Otautahi this year has been no easy feat.

Participation and support in our monthly film nights has been awesome. Making childcare a possibility by involving tamariki in all our events, again, is something we can all feel proud of. A public forum on the ACC cuts, participation in community struggles around the recent Post Office closures, strike and picket support, and protest action, has been a visible part of what we’ve been up to over the last 6 months. Behind the scenes we’ve also had an amazing collective hui, drafted what we consider is a great strategy for moving forward, and formed strong, educational relationships with each other. As Lucy Parsons — American anarchist involved in radical labour struggles — once said: ”Anarchists know that a long period of education must precede any great fundamental change in society, hence they do not believe in vote begging, nor political campaigns, but rather in the development of self-thinking individuals.” We feel we’ve come some way in doing this, therefore a number of the goals we set ourselves on formation are being achieved — others we look forward to tackling in the new year. One of these goals is the formation of an anarcho-syndicalist network, to link those of us struggling in the workplace and the wider community.

We’ve felt very supported by local friends and also from international solidarity — especially our comrades in Australia — so we’d like to take this opportunity to say thank you! 

Until that time when we are all free from capitalist social relations, when we can develop all that is currently being suppressed, when we can take direct control of our own lives in our workplaces and our communities — until that time, we extend our solidarity and support to those struggling for a better world, and continue the struggle in our own corner of the globe.

“We are going to inherit the earth; there is not the slightest doubt about that.” 
Buenaventura Durruti — Spanish anarchist and labour militant in the Spanish Revolution

Love and Rage,
Beyond Resistance 

no god, no boss, no husband

An account of one of the first anarchist-feminist group in Argentina in the 1890s (see Maxine Molyneux’s “No God, No Boss, No Husband: Anarchist Feminism in Nineteenth-Century Argentina”(Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 13, No. 1, Latin America’s Nineteenth-Century History, Winter, 1986).

One of the world’s first explicitly anarchist-feminist group was created as part of the thriving nineteenth-century Anarchist movement in Argentina. It produced the first anarcha-feminist newspaper, La Voz de la Mujer. Sadly, the history of anarchist-feminism in Argentina has rarely been acknowledged, at best mentioned in passing, at worse ignored or forgotten.

La Voz de la Mujer was published in Buenos Aires only nine times, beginning on January 8, 1896 and ending almost exactly one year later on New Year’s Day. Its donors included “Women Avengers Group,” “One Who Wants to Fill a Cannon with the Heads of the Bourgeois,” “Long Live Dynamite,” “Long Live Free Love,” “A Feminist,” “A Female Serpent to Devour the Bourgeois,” “Full of Beer,”“A Man Friendly to Women.” Most of it was written in Spanish, with only occasional items in Italian. This is not surprising, as it was primarily from Spain that anarchist feminism came to Argentina. Even the feminist material in the Italian press was written largely by Spanish authors. Another version of the paper and bearing its name was published in the provincial town of Rosario (its editor, Virginia Bolten was the only woman known to have been deported in 1902 under the Residence Law, which gave the government the power to expel immigrants active in political organizations). Another La Voz de la Mujer was published in Montevideo, where Bolten was exiled to.

La Voz de la Mujer described itself as “dedicated to the advancement of Communist Anarchism.” Its central theme was that of the multiple nature of women’s oppression. An editorial asserted, “We believe that in present-day society nothing and nobody has a more wretched situation than unfortunate women.” Women, they said, were doubly oppressed – by bourgeois society and by men. Its feminism can be seen from its attack on marriage and upon male power over women. Its contributors, like anarchist feminists elsewhere, developed a concept of oppression that focused on gender oppression. Marriage was a bourgeois institution which restricted women’s freedom, including their sexual freedom. Marriages entered into without love, fidelity maintained through fear rather than desire, oppression of women by men they hated – all were seen as symptomatic of the coercion implied by the marriage contract. It was this alienation of the individual’s will that the anarchist feminists deplored and sought to remedy, initially through free love and then, and more thoroughly, through social revolution.

La Voz de la Mujer was a paper written by women for women, it was an independent expression of an explicitly feminist current within South America’s labour movement and was one of the first recorded instances of the fusion of feminist ideas with a revolutionary and working-class orientation. As with Emma Goldman, Louise Michel and Voltairine de Cleyre, it differed from the mainstream feminism by being a working class movement which placed the struggle against patriarchy as part of a wider struggle against economic and social classes and hierarchies. It was not centred on educated middle-class women, whose feminism was dismissed as a “bourgeois” or “reformist.”

Read the rest of the article here.

anarchist communism, capitalism & direct action

What is capitalism?

We live in a truly beautiful world. There is easily enough of everything to go around for everyone to live comfortably. However, while a few live in luxury, most of us spend our whole lives slaving away just to get by. We, the working class, own very little property and so to survive we can only do one of three things: work for a boss, claim benefits or steal. And the latter two options are either not available, or very unappealing to most.

This is what capitalism is based on: we have to sell our ability to work – and hours of our life – for a wage. Our work produces things and provides services. But our wages are less than the value of the products and services we provide. The difference between the value of what we make and what we get paid is the profit which is being stolen from us. Someone answering phones may perform work which makes the boss £400, but only gets paid £50 in wages. The rest is taken by the boss and called “profit” – which the bosses are entitled to just because they own the office the phones were answered in. So to make money, you must first have enough money to own something. By this system, the rich get richer and more powerful while we get poorer and, of course, less powerful.

We think that the people doing the work – us – should get the lot!

Capitalism produces things for profit rather than need. For example, in famine-ridden Africa, big corporations will grow cash-crops like cotton while millions starve all around. If you can’t pay the mortgage, your house is repossessed. Treatments and medicines for fatal diseases which cost pennies to make are sold for thousands of pounds to pay for marketing, while millions die. Global warming and pollution from fossil fuels threatens the survival of humans on the planet because renewable energy sources threaten oil companies’ profits. This happens all over the world. These are not problems with capitalism that can be fixed, they are capitalism. The relentless drive to accumulate, make profit and expand drives capital. Profits must always come before people and planet because if not enough profit is made the corporation will go bust or be bought out. War, poverty, crime, famine and environmental destruction – these are all signs that capitalism is working perfectly. They are also signs that it is unsustainable and needs to be replaced.

What do we want to replace it with?

We don’t want to replace one set of bosses and politicians with another like in the USSR. We want to abolish government and the control of production by the market. We want workers and service users to democratically control their own workplaces and see ordinary people run the world together without money or authority. This is what we call anarchist communism.

This all sounds very far fetched but actually it’s more realistic then you think. Think about who actually does the important work in society – i.e. people who produce goods or services. We do! We know exactly how to run our workplaces because it’s us who do it everyday.

All bosses and shareholders do is get in the way and take a huge chunk of the profit. Imagine how much less work we would have to do if all the people who do ultimately pointless work did useful work instead? Many of us spend most of our lives working jobs which produce nothing useful, or no valuable service, such as products with built-in obsolescence, or the entire financial and insurance industries. We would have more time to do what we really wanted to do and truly live out our dreams and desires. We would be happier and more willing to help others because we wouldn’t be wasting most of our waking lives either commuting, working in boring, pointless jobs or preparing ourselves to be ‘good’, ‘productive’ workers in schools or universities.

Just ask yourself: This week, how much time have I spent with the people I love? Now ask: How much time have I spent at work?

Everything we would create would be for our benefit and so we would be more willing to work hard. A perfect example of this is during the Spanish Civil War in 1936-39 when factories in self-organised workers’ territories were far more efficient than the factories had been while under capitalist control. And in Argentina today, workers in the Zanon ceramics factory kicked out their boss and began running it themselves and work under better conditions than before.

The idea that we need a central group or individual in charge otherwise nothing would get done is ridiculous. The idea that we work harder with managers breathing down our necks, taking the profit of our work and telling us what to do makes no sense when looked at in any depth. At a corporate conference, one of the speakers asked why workers, after working hard for 8 hours a day, come home and work hard in the house or garden.

The answer is simple. Because we want to. At work, we know we won’t benefit from working harder and as soon as the boss turns the corner, of course we’ll skive. Why should we work hard for someone who exploits us? In the garden or the home, we do what we want, when we want, for our own benefit and so will work harder for ourselves than a profit-hungry corporation which uses us like machines to be bought and sold.

Things like this, from everyday, present life, are examples of anarchist communism in practice and, more importantly, in practice by ordinary people just getting along with everyday life. The fundamental basis of a socialist society is people co-operating as equals. Our basic co-operative capacity manifests itself even now in a capitalist world – from small things like organising a party where different people prepare and bring food and drink and wash up, to large voluntary co-operative organisations like the Royal National Lifeboat Association. Things like this show that a world free from government and bosses is possible. Things like this show that anarchist communism is possible.

How do we want to get to anarchist communism?

All this sounds good and it is hard to believe that anyone would oppose it. However, there are many. The ruling institutional structures are shaped so that they cannot give up their power and privilege. If individual corporations or governments decide that the current system is unfair and try to change it, the corporations will go bust or be bought out, and the governments bringing in progressive policies – if in isolation and not forced by a mass movement – will fall victim to capital flight, media smears and potential military coups. We need to take power away from them and exercise power ourselves over our own lives. However, although workers out-number the bosses by millions across the country (and by billions across the world) there are the police to beat us up, the prisons to lock us up, the military to shoot us, the schools and the corporate media to mislead us and many other institutions used to keep us soft and obedient.

This is why we need a revolution. Firstly: of ideas. We need to stop believing in capitalism. We need to start seeing each other as equals and unite as workers, as a class, which has been successfully divided with racism, sexism and all sorts of stupid prejudices for centuries. However, changing our ideas is not enough. Because the capitalist class won’t give up their power without a fight, we need to be able to defend any gains in freedom that they would try and take from us. Communities will need to be put under direct community control. Workplaces will need to be taken over by the people who work there and run for the benefit of the community, not the bosses. We’ve done it before and we can do it again. We just need to realise our collective class strength.

What should I do now?

Organise. Get together with like-minded people in your community and start a group to build solidarity in your neighbourhood. Set up community groups and residents’ associations and learn to live together without cops, landlords or other assorted government and big business representatives.

Unite with your workmates to demand better pay and conditions and if your bosses refuse, take collective action like slowdowns and strikes to get them. Organise strong rank and file networks within workplaces and trade unions. Get together with other workers and sack your boss! Link up with other people in your school, college or university and fight for improvements. If they try to raise tuition fees at your Uni – organise mass refusal to pay.

Whatever you do, make sure your organising is based in your normal everyday life. Only by engaging with issues that matter directly to us can we ever build a powerful movement to build a better world.

Across the world working class action has made revolutions, toppled dictators, won shorter working hours… the list is endless. When we work together, we can achieve anything.

So let’s be realistic – let’s demand the impossible! — from libcom.org

new book on anarcho-syndicalism!

FROM AK PRESS: Another new book from Black Cat Press. Anarcho-syndicalism in the 20th Century, translated by Malcolm Archibald, is now in stock. It’s heartening to see Vadim Damier’s book available to English-language readers. Recent titles, especially those utilizing so many archival sources, are expanding our understanding of the global anarchist movement.

We welcome the opportunity to reflect on the recent history of a movement that is often dubbed moribund, outmoded, or otherwise useless. What’s perhaps strangest about the blanket rejection of the syndicalist tradition is that it is often done with such ignorance. Hopefully resources like this one by Damier will change the perceptions of some contemporary anarchists toward the anarcho-syndicalist legacy. Although, more importantly, may the book embolden those drawing lessons from the global anarchist tradition to apply them in the here and now, under present circumstances.

Here’s an excerpt:

Preface
Anarcho-syndicalism is a fundamental tendency in the global workers’ movement. It is made up of revolutionary unions of workers (“syndicat” in French means “trade union”), acting to bring about a stateless (anarchist), self-managed society.

Anarcho-syndicalism, the only mass variant of the anarchist movement in history, arose and acquired strength during a period of profound social, economic, and political changes—the first decades of the 20th century. In the countries which formed the “centre” of the global industrial-capitalist system, a transition to a developed industrial society was taking place, while on the “periphery” and “semi-periphery” the process of industrialization was still only getting started. The furious pace of social change often caused much suffering for the workers, forcing them to abandon traditional occupations and forms of life and pushing them into factories, frequently under onerous conditions. Former agricultural labourers were uprooted from their accustomed mode of life—conditioned by centuries—while skilled craftsmen experienced anguish when they were forced into narrowly specialized or unskilled work. The workers’ consciousness was scarred by the growing alienation and atomization of the human personality under the conditions of the rise of “mass society.”

The workers’ movement arose, to a significant extent, as an alternative force in relation to the industrial-capitalist system. As the Italian sociologist Marco Revelli has noted, “the modern State from the very beginning counterposed these two forces to each other, as opposing tendencies.” Of course, this opposition could be regarded in different ways, either more radically (as in the case of the English Luddites who resisted the introduction of the factory system), or less radically (in the form of workers’ mutual aid societies, taking upon themselves control of the social sphere). But almost always this “early” workers’ movement was based on the spirit of independence, communal life, and collectivism preserved from the pre-industrial era of artisan workshops, in opposition to factory despotism. The division of labour had still not reached the level of Taylorist fragmentation. Skilled workers, with a good understanding of their own work and where it fit in the production process, were quite capable of thinking they could control production on their own. On the other hand, the State mechanisms of social integration had not yet achieved sufficient development; rather the social sphere was almost completely controlled by the institutions and organizations of the workers’ movement (associations, syndicates, bourses de travail, etc.), which frequently were regarded as the basis for a possible self-managed alternative.

In the social realities of those times there was undeniably a place for radical tendencies which to some degree aimed at the dismantling, elimination, or radical transformation of the industrial-capitalist system. Although the majority of revolutionary syndicalists and anarchists were by no means immune from certain myths and concepts about the progressiveness of industrialism, still their social goals on the whole were oriented to a rupture with the system and its replacement with a new social structure based on self-management and decision-making by means of agreements arrived at “from the bottom up.” Such views were compatible in many respects with the desires of the working masses in that epoch.

It is impossible to regard anarcho-syndicalism as some kind of insignificant, marginal phenomenon—as the extravagant escapades of “extremist grouplets” or the fantasies of salon intellectuals. This is a global movement which spread to countries as different as Spain and Russia, France and Japan, Argentina and Sweden, Italy and China, Portugal and Germany. It possesses strong, healthy social roots and traditions, and was able to attract hundreds of thousands, indeed millions, of wage workers. Anarcho-syndicalists not only took an active part in the most important social upheavals and conflicts of the 20th century, often leaving their own indelible imprint on these events, but also in many countries they formed the centre of a special, inimitable, working class culture with its own values, norms, customs, and symbols. The ideas and traditions of anarcho-syndicalism, and the slogans it put forth about workplace and territorial self-management, exerted an influence on many other social movements, including the workers’ councils of Budapest (1956), the student and youth uprisings of 1968, Polish “Solidarity” in 1980–81, the Argentine “popular assemblies,” etc.

Without knowing the history of anarcho-syndicalism, it is impossible to gain a reliable understanding of the history of many countries of the world; it is impossible to grasp in its fullness the course of development and destiny of humanity throughout the last 120 years…
V. Damier

TABLE OF Contents

PART ONE  Revolutionary Syndicalism
From the First International to Revolutionary-Syndicalism
The Rise of the Revolutionary-Syndicalist Movement
Revolutionary-Syndicalism and Anarchism
Revolutionary-Syndicalism during the First World War

PART TWO  Anarcho-syndicalism
The Revolutionary Years
From Revolutionary-Syndicalism to Anarcho-syndicalism
The World Anarcho-syndicalist Movement in the 1920’s and 1930’s
Ideological-Theoretical Discussions in Anarcho-syndicalism in the 1920’s and 1930’s

PART THREE  The Spanish Revolution
The Uprising of July 19 1936
Libertarian Communism or Antifascist Unity?
Under the Weight of Circumstances
The CNT Enters the Government
The CNT in Government: Results and Lessons
Notwithstanding “Circumstances”
The Spanish Revolution and World Anarcho-syndicalism

PART FOUR  Decline and Possible Regeneration
Anarcho-syndicalism During the Second World War
Anarcho-syndicalism After World War II
Anarcho-syndicalism in Russia in the Current Epoch

Bibliographic Essay
Acronyms
Index

get your anarchist fix! international anarchist news

We at Beyond Resistance find A-Infos to be a valuable and up-to-date resource of the latest anarchists news from around the world. From group statements to general events, it’s all there. You can also subscribe to news being sent to your inbox, or simply trawl the site for hidden treasures.

In the news today:

• Canadian Journal Linchpin
• News from Greece
• Denmark Climate Change news
• Essays and theory

So check it out here. The website updates repeatedly, with news articles listed in chronological order, and is simple but easy to read.

What would jesus buy? december film night!

Beyond Resistance presents (in true Christmas spirit): What Would Jesus Buy?

What Would Jesus Buy? follows Reverend Billy and the Church of Stop Shopping Gospel Choir as they go on a cross-country mission to save Christmas from the Shopocalypse: the end of mankind from consumerism, over-consumption and the fires of eternal debt!

From producer Morgan Spurlock (SUPER SIZE ME) and director Rob VanAlkemade comes a serious docu-comedy about the commercialization of Christmas. Bill Talen (aka Reverend Billy) was a lost idealist who hitchhiked to New York City only to find that Times Square was becoming a mall. Spurred on by the loss of his neighborhood and inspired by the sidewalk preachers around him, Bill bought a collar to match his white caterer’s jacket, bleached his hair and became the Reverend Billy of the Church of Stop Shopping.

Since 1999, Reverend Billy has gone from being a lone preacher with a portable pulpit preaching on subways, to the leader of a congregation and a movement whose numbers are well into the thousands.

Through retail interventions, corporate exorcisms, and some good old-fashioned preaching, Reverend Billy reminds us that we have lost the true meaning of Christmas. What Would Jesus Buy? is a journey into the heart of America – from exorcising the demons at the Wal-Mart headquarters to taking over the center stage at the Mall of America and then ultimately heading to the Promised Land … Disneyland.

Watch the trailer here: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FCQEhqZO-gE

Food, drinks and childcare will be provided, so come on down and join your local anarchists as part of our monthly film nights at the WEA! Zines, books and more will also be available on the night.

Thursday 17th December. Doors open: 6.30pm. Film starts: 7pm.

WEA (59 Gloucester Street), Otautahi/Christchurch.

Koha entry.